El artículo contrapone memorias nacionalistas e islamistas de Gallipoli, centradas o no en MustafaKemal, y muestra cómo ambas relegan la deportación de los armenios anatolios ordenada en 1915.
The article argues that Armenian Genocide denial operates through a pervasive discourse shared across competing Turkish state and civil-society settings.
Turkish denial, collaborative repression, emerging voices for recognition, and diaspora identity frame this study of the Armenian Genocide’s political consequences nearly a century later.
Survey evidence from elected officials and Armenian organization leaders in Glendale compares perceived leadership styles with acculturation, community commitment, and cultural identity.
Tölölyan and Papazian discuss divergent ideas of nationhood in Armenia and diaspora communities and consider how those differences shape institutions, mobilization, and collective identity.
A comparative review places Rwanda’s genocide-ideology law beside the Holocaust and Armenian Genocide, finding that legal narratives and enforcement vary sharply with each country’s political circumstances.
The dissertation argues that Armenian communal reform, especially the 1860/63 National Constitution and Patriarchate centralization, was integral to Ottoman Tanzimat state-building rather than derivative nationalism.
Özgül examines Turkish court petitions by Muslim citizens of Armenian descent seeking changes to registered names and religions, revealing tensions between conversion, tolerance, and legal identity.
A linguistic survey of Syria identifies Armenian as one of four Christian non-Arab languages in 2011, together with Western Aramaic, Suret, and Turoyo.
Between 1903 and 1914, Tsarist policy toward Russian Armenians shifted through church-property confiscation, Dashnaktsutiun repression, bourgeois negotiation, Caucasian unrest, and changing Ottoman strategy.
The article surveys Ottoman relations with Armenian subjects and argues that Armenian theater professionals, including work associated with Bosco and Naum venues, helped introduce and develop opera terminology and practice in the empire.
Twenty-seven indicators across ten prevention fields ranked Armenia with Ukraine and Russia at the bottom of a forty-three-country European health-policy comparison.
Abramson profiles Lebanese Armenians as both a self-organized diasporic community and a constituent of Lebanese society, emphasizing the institutions built after refugee settlement.
The article explains why United States congressional recognition of the Armenian Genocide remained blocked despite support from states, institutions, associations, and public figures, emphasizing executive deference to Turkey and American strategic interests.
The 2007 and 2010 congressional Genocide resolutions are used to show Armenian-American and Turkish lobbying competing over United States foreign policy and bilateral relations.
Letters, jokes, and anecdotes from the Western Armenian Diaspora construct changing images of Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, combining admiration and criticism with expectations surrounding Armenian Genocide recognition.
Media coverage of the 2007 Sourp Khatch reopening is used to test whether Turkish minority-rights language reflects European norms or repackaged Ottoman tolerance.
Four Turkish American–Armenian American dialogue groups test grassroots diplomacy as an alternative to transferring reconciliation upward through governments, while exposing tensions between conflict settlement, social justice, and human rights.
A comparative dissertation traces continuity and change in Turkey's Armenian Genocide narrative and Japan's Nanjing narrative through archives, fieldwork, and more than seventy-five interviews.
The dissertation traces Turkish genocide denial through press debates around Sabiha Gökçen and Hrant Dink, economic class formation, Atatürk's authority, and national education.
A regional security assessment relates South Caucasus conflicts to Armenia's reliance on Russia and Iran, Azerbaijan's Turkish ties, and competing United States and European interests.
A comparative law-and-religion approach connects nineteenth-century changes in Ottoman Christians' legal status to the Hamidian massacres and ultimately the 1915 Armenian Genocide, locating mass violence within failed reform and intercommunal state relations.
L'article relie la diaspora arménienne au génocide de 1915, à la mobilisation contre le négationnisme depuis les années 1960, au lobbying international et à son influence politique après l'indépendance de l'Arménie en 1991.
Comparing the Ottoman Empire before 1915 with Rwanda before 1994, the article follows how genocide risks develop and coalesce, then proposes a temporal model supplementing static accounts of preconditions.
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