Birth-registration and survey data reveal elevated Caucasus sex ratios, including 117 boys per 100 girls in Armenia and an estimated 1,972 Armenian sex-selective abortions in 2010, with birth order intensifying the imbalance.
The article explains why United States congressional recognition of the Armenian Genocide remained blocked despite support from states, institutions, associations, and public figures, emphasizing executive deference to Turkey and American strategic interests.
The article follows editor W. T. Stead's Eastern Question campaigning from Bulgarian atrocities to Ottoman violence against Armenians, interpreting his journalism through Puritan belief, radical politics, and self-fashioned diplomacy.
Laycock uses Armenian archival research to study the 1945–1949 repatriation campaign, emphasizing competing meanings of homeland and the early Cold War politics surrounding return.
The 2007 and 2010 congressional Genocide resolutions are used to show Armenian-American and Turkish lobbying competing over United States foreign policy and bilateral relations.
The article applies victimological concepts to the Armenian Genocide, proposing a framework for analyzing susceptibility to genocidal victimization and reconsidering inherited ideas about victim behavior.
Letters, jokes, and anecdotes from the Western Armenian Diaspora construct changing images of Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, combining admiration and criticism with expectations surrounding Armenian Genocide recognition.
Ottoman policies against Armenians, Assyrians, and Pontic Greeks are situated within imperial dismantling, population homogenization, later Turkish taboo, and evolving state discourse after the 1990s.
The collection treats civil society as a site where Turkish apologies for the Armenian Genocide and Franco-German religious initiatives test how communities approach painful pasts.
Hartmann and Pennington's edited volume surveys the development and collections of Byzantine and Eastern Christian law, with dedicated attention to Armenian and neighboring church traditions.
Using the Nagorno Karabakh conflict as its empirical case, the article studies how ethnic identity becomes an exploitable image of the enemy that can harden mediation deadlock.
Media coverage of the 2007 Sourp Khatch reopening is used to test whether Turkish minority-rights language reflects European norms or repackaged Ottoman tolerance.
Four Turkish American–Armenian American dialogue groups test grassroots diplomacy as an alternative to transferring reconciliation upward through governments, while exposing tensions between conflict settlement, social justice, and human rights.
A comparative dissertation traces continuity and change in Turkey's Armenian Genocide narrative and Japan's Nanjing narrative through archives, fieldwork, and more than seventy-five interviews.
The 1909 Adana massacres are placed within the Ottoman revolutionary process, moving beyond Turkish-Armenian historiographic binaries to emphasize a weak public sphere, economic anxieties, and violence against the Armenian population.
Dabaghyan studies postwar place renaming in Artsakh as a cultural practice shaped by imperial legacies, modernization, conflict, and local knowledge.
Three security-sector cases, including Armenian defence reform, test how human development and state security are translated into policy across Afghanistan and Guinea-Bissau.
The dissertation traces Turkish genocide denial through press debates around Sabiha Gökçen and Hrant Dink, economic class formation, Atatürk's authority, and national education.
A regional security assessment relates South Caucasus conflicts to Armenia's reliance on Russia and Iran, Azerbaijan's Turkish ties, and competing United States and European interests.
Dixon compares periods when Turkish military and civilian officials actively defended the state's Armenian Genocide narrative, tracing continuity and change in their strategies.
A comparative study of Armenian, Albanian, and Chechen diaspora engagement examines how support for secessionist conflicts develops after local independence claims. It traces how diaspora institutions and local political centers can intensify or dissipate conflict coalitions.
A comparative law-and-religion approach connects nineteenth-century changes in Ottoman Christians' legal status to the Hamidian massacres and ultimately the 1915 Armenian Genocide, locating mass violence within failed reform and intercommunal state relations.
L'article relie la diaspora arménienne au génocide de 1915, à la mobilisation contre le négationnisme depuis les années 1960, au lobbying international et à son influence politique après l'indépendance de l'Arménie en 1991.
Comparing the Ottoman Empire before 1915 with Rwanda before 1994, the article follows how genocide risks develop and coalesce, then proposes a temporal model supplementing static accounts of preconditions.
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