Twenty-seven indicators across ten prevention fields ranked Armenia with Ukraine and Russia at the bottom of a forty-three-country European health-policy comparison.
Stakeholder focus groups and interviews evaluating a free Nagorno Karabagh physician-education program found stronger professional exchange, knowledge, and confidence, but limited application where hospitals lacked equipment and technology.
Comparable national surveys from twenty countries show roughly thirty-percent hypertension prevalence among Armenians aged 35–49 and especially low diagnosis, treatment, and medication control in Armenia alongside Albania, Iran, and Turkey.
The paper compares placement, form, masonry, and ornament of external niches on medieval Armenian churches, finding an early structural role in simplifying roofs and walls that gradually converged toward façade decoration after the seventh century.
Coverage in Lebanese Armenian newspapers of the 1946 repatriation campaign reveals changing ideas of citizenship, homeland, and belonging as the newly independent country defined itself.
Responses from thirty-five European haemophilia organizations in 2012 showed wide treatment inequality: Armenia reported 0.20 IU of factor VIII per capita versus Sweden's 8.56, while repeat-survey countries improved prophylaxis and home care.
Abramson profiles Lebanese Armenians as both a self-organized diasporic community and a constituent of Lebanese society, emphasizing the institutions built after refugee settlement.
A nationally representative 2001 survey across eight former Soviet states placed Armenian use of folk practitioners at 3.5 percent, versus 25 percent in Kyrgyzstan.
The biography reconstructs Polish-Armenian scholar Stefan Wartanowic Lehacy's education, translations, church service, family background, and possible painting activity during the seventeenth century.
The article explains why United States congressional recognition of the Armenian Genocide remained blocked despite support from states, institutions, associations, and public figures, emphasizing executive deference to Turkey and American strategic interests.
A fragmented essay joins inherited family memories, survivor exile, Australian Gallipoli commemoration, and disputed naming to portray genocide denial as an embodied intergenerational presence.
Examines whether the Republic of Turkey bears legal responsibility for the Armenian Genocide committed by its Ottoman predecessor. Applying the doctrine that state identity and continuity survive changes of government, argues the Kemalist republic is the continuation of the Ottoman state and is responsible for internationally wrongful acts against Armenians. A cornerstone for legal arguments on recognition and reparations, in one of the world's top international law journals.
Scholars have written extensively on Armenian revolutionary movements, but relations between Armenian political organizations and the Young Turks have received only tangential treatment, largely because the sources were inaccessible. Moumdjian sets out to document the actual relationships between Armenian leaders, parties and revolutionary movements and their Ottoman counterparts, and to explain why those collaborations occurred and why they failed. He opens with the long-promised post-1878 reforms for Armenian inhabitants of the empire and Abdulhamid II's manipulations to dilute them, including the palace's use of the Kurdish Hamidiye Regiments to sabotage reform. He engages critically with Turkish-perspective studies of the Young Turks, arguing they skirt the Armenian contributions that helped bring the Young Turks to power.
His earliest published article, written at York University, surveying Armenian migration to and community formation in Ontario across the period spanning the Armenian Genocide, 1887–1930. It anticipates the themes he later developed in Genocide Studies International and in the Georgetown Boys work: Armenian arrival in Canada, community institutions, and the rupture and reconstitution caused by the Genocide.
Household surveys compare smoking in eight former Soviet countries between 2001 and 2010, reporting Armenia’s highest male prevalence at 59 percent and female prevalence of two percent amid uneven regional declines.
The 2007 and 2010 congressional Genocide resolutions are used to show Armenian-American and Turkish lobbying competing over United States foreign policy and bilateral relations.
Armenians in twentieth-century Ethiopia recast their host country as a homeland, emphasizing settlement and royal friendship over exile, lost fatherland, or genocide in the collective memory of immigrants and descendants.
Letters, jokes, and anecdotes from the Western Armenian Diaspora construct changing images of Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, combining admiration and criticism with expectations surrounding Armenian Genocide recognition.
Y-chromosome evidence from 82 Hamsheni men was compared across three proposed homelands, favoring central historical Armenia and finding no support for a Central Asian origin.
Ancient DNA and tooth-shape measurements from 393 pigs at 48 sites, including Armenia, refine animal dispersal from the Neolithic through medieval western Eurasia.
Comparative analysis of Armenian churches from the fourth through seventh centuries traces changing arch and semidome forms, masonry, and placement as builders adapted internal vaults to the heavy structural demands of domes.
Examining English-language work by third-generation Armenian American authors, the article connects literary searches for ancestry with survivor narratives, inherited identity, and continuing genocide denial.
Media coverage of the 2007 Sourp Khatch reopening is used to test whether Turkish minority-rights language reflects European norms or repackaged Ottoman tolerance.
Four Turkish American–Armenian American dialogue groups test grassroots diplomacy as an alternative to transferring reconciliation upward through governments, while exposing tensions between conflict settlement, social justice, and human rights.
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